Email: temora@auswildbroad.com.au | Phone: (02) 6978 0077 |
There is a scene in the movie Love Actually where the British Prime Minister (played by Hugh Grant) is asked about his views on the Britain-US relationship following a particularly disappointing trade negotiation:
"I love that word relationship; covers all manners of sins, doesn’t it? I fear this has become a bad relationship. A relationship based on the President taking exactly what he wants, and casually ignoring all those things that really matter to Britain.
"We may be a small country, but we’re a great one too. A country of Shakespeare, Churchill, The Beatles, Sean Connery, Harry Potter, David Beckham’s right foot, David Beckham’s left foot.
"A friend who bullies us is no longer a friend. And since bullies only respond to strength, from now onward I will be prepared to be much stronger. And the President should be prepared for that."
In the movie, the only reaction from the US was a stern look from the President (played by Billy Bob Thornton). However, the reality of megaphone diplomacy is very different.
Non-compliance with China’s political will comes at a cost. In response to Australia’s public positioning, China has flexed its economic muscle through the disruption of Australian exports.
China is Australia’s largest trading partner by a margin that dwarfs trade with any other single nation (Europe $118bn, ASEAN $110bn and Japan $77bn). The value of exports to China has doubled in the five years since the signing of the China-Australia Free Trade Agreement from $75b in 2014-15 to $150b in 2019-20; imports have also grown significantly up 42% over the same period.
Iron ore remains Australia’s top export to China (in 2019-20, exports of iron ore accounted for 56% of all Australian goods exported to China) and a high demand resource to fuel the expansion of China’s economy – China is the world’s largest steel producer. The South China Morning Post reports that Australian iron ore makes up 60% of China’s supply.
It is not the first time China has undertaken a concerted campaign to use its economic might to secure its policy goals. Canada, India, the UK and New Zealand have all faced some form of retribution in the past. When Sweden banned Huawei from its 5G network the foreign ministry spokesman Zhao Lijian reportedly called on Sweden to correct its “wrong decision” and avoid a “…negative impact on China-Sweden economic and trade cooperation, and on the operations of Swedish companies in China.” Economic threats and oppressive rhetoric are commonplace.
During a speech to the Press Club in August, Minister Wang Xining stated that any long term relationship is based on “mutual respect”. Australia’s perceived lack of respect was highlighted by the 14 grievances leaked by a Chinese diplomat to Channel 9. The grievances are wide ranging from the banning of Huawei from Australia’s 5G networks on “unfounded” national security concerns (as have all members of the 5 eyes intelligence alliance except Canada – US, UK, and New Zealand, and France and Sweden), foreign interference laws (initiated with the establishment of the Counter Foreign Interference Taskforce focussed on democratic institutions, education and research, media and communications, diverse communities, and infrastructure), calls for an inquiry into COVID-19 and siding with the US anti-China campaign, speaking out on the contested South China sea territories (and supporting US gunboat diplomacy), and “thinly veiled” allegations against Chinese cyberattacks.
So, what does 2021 hold? There is conciliatory language from the Australian Government with both the Prime Minister and the Defence Minister acknowledging China’s economic success lifting millions out of poverty and our strong ‘people to people’ relationship. But Australia has not publicly backed down or been any less vocal with the announcement of a new defence pact with Japan and a continued pro-democracy stance on Hong Kong. There is likely to be more pain to come for Australian exports to China and no short-term resolution or conciliation.
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